By Dr. Michael Nwankpa

Does Nigeria have an ‘Igbo Problem’? There are many who would give an affirmative yes and others who would argue otherwise. Regardless of the side of argument one belongs to, the phrase with its connotations has remained enduring. It is therefore important to query the validity of this assertion. Is it just a garb of victimhood that the Igbos like to wear when things do not go their way or is there truth in the claim? Are Igbos deliberately marginalised. If yes, by who and why? Who holds the lever of power to determine inclusion and exclusion of the Igbo tribe?

Who are the Igbos?

The Igbo people are one of Nigeria’s three main ethnic groups. The other two are Yoruba and Hausa. The Igbos are primarily located in southeastern part of Nigeria and are renowned for their rich cultural heritage and entrepreneurial spirit. Unlike the Hausas and Yorubas, who have centralised systems of governance structured around the monarchies with their council of chiefs, the Igbos are historically republican in nature. There is a saying in Igboland that ‘Igbos have no king’. Essentially, monarchy is alien to the Igbos as their power does not revolve around a single ruler. The Igbo’s decentralised governance system is however characterised by checks and balances among village councils. This offers a more participatory and community-led approach to decision-making.

Nigeria-Igbo Tensed Relationship: A Historical Lens

Like many postcolonial states in Africa, Nigeria is a country of several tribes and ethnicities. Nigeria has over 250 ethnic groups who speak around 400 languages with different dialect variations. Seven years after gaining political independence from colonial Britain, the inter-ethnic and regional tensions erupted in a gruesome civil war, (Nigeria-Biafra Civil War, 1967-70) between the seceding Biafrans (predominantly Igbos from the southeast) and the Nigerian force (including Hausas and Yorubas). The three-year war led to the death of millions of Igbos and destruction of their lands and assets. Ironically, it was the Yorubas and Hausas (not the Igbos) that threatened secession in the early years of Independence. Interestingly, it is the post-war policies that have had more profound ramifications in the inter-ethnic relationship and continued political tensions even after 65 years of gaining independence.

Nigeria’s victory over Biafra was couched less as a victory, in principle. General Gowon’s famous rhetoric of ‘No Victor; No Vanquished’ symbolises the need for unity. However, Nigeria remains less harmonious now than it was then. The wound and scar of the war remain well alive. Although the government established the national development programme, the much needed specific and targeted programmes towards rebuilding the war-torn southeast region were noticeably absent. Following the war, the Igbos were economically disadvantaged losing all their pre-war financial assets as the Biafran Pound was strategically devalued worth only 20 pound per person.  But far more damaging is the entrenched distrust among the ethnic groups and hatred towards the Igbos for the perceived ‘Igbo Coup’ of January 1966 that began the chain of events that would lead up to the Biafran War. The January 1966 coup led to the targeted killings of Hausa-Fulani and Yoruba leaders of the southwest and northern regions, with Igbo leaders conspicuously spared. The Hausa-Fulani carried out a retaliatory coup in the summer of 1966 which unfortunately led to the deaths of hundreds of Igbo officers and thousands of Igbo civilians residing in northern Nigeria. Recent writings, particularly President Babangida’s autobiography, A Journey in Service, challenge the long-held claim that the January 1966 coup was orchestrated by the Igbos to dominate Nigeria’s polity and other ethnic groups.

The ’Igbo Problem’

Unfortunately, the distrust of the Igbo has become deeply entrenched. Nigeria has yet to produce an Igbo President. Igbos are grossly marginalised in the political sphere and other significant and strategic national roles. But one can arguably state that since 2015 when the ruling party, All Progressives Congress (APC) gained power, inter-ethnic relations in Nigeria have worsened. A worrying anti-Igbo sentiment has become pervasive especially in the southwest, Lagos, where the government is strategically and systematically targeting Igbo’s businesses and dismantling their economic livelihoods. Even more worrying are the open threats and attacks against Igbos by traditional leaders and other people of influence, as manifested during the violence-charged 2023 elections. The danger of the anti-Igbo sentiment is evident in the paradigmatic shift from the usual elite manipulation during election cycles to a populace-level attack-raising fear of a Rwandan-type Genocide that occurred between the Hutus and Tutsis.

Who is Responsible for the ‘Igbo Problem’?

The Nigerian state with its elites (including Igbo elites) are responsible for the continued marginalisation of the Igbos. I would like to place the bulk of the Igbo Problem on the Igbo elites including its political, traditional and intellectual leaders. They have failed to effectively protect the collective interest of the Igbo people. Rather, they have been more than willing to sacrifice the collective gain for their personal ambitions. A classic illustration is the continued detention of Mazi Nnamdi Kanu (MNK), the leader of the proscribed Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB), one of many secessionist movements that have emerged in the southeast. Although I do not personally like MNK vitriolic secessionist campaign and his self-appointed saviour-of-the-Igbos image, I believe that his continued incarceration by the Nigerian government against court rulings to release him is an affront on the collective Igbo tribe and anybody who respects the rule of law.   Igbo’s republican nature has been a blessing and a curse. On the positive side, the Igbos have arguably (but indirectly) kept Nigeria one because of their entrepreneurial spirit and de-territorialised mindset that see them establish businesses and build permanent structures across Nigeria. This should be rewarded; not punished.

What Needs to be Done?

The Nigeria ‘Igbo Problem’ is a genuine concern. Nigeria must not only acknowledge (but atone and correct) the legitimate history and reality of injustices against the Igbos and their continued marginalisation in national politics. This will deny groups such as IPOB the opportunity to leverage the history for its own agenda. Nigeria should set up a national reconciliation programme which will aim at improving inter-ethnic relations. Nigeria should emulate Rwanda by expunging the hideous colonial legacy of indigene-settler categorisation from its constitution and policies. Although the ‘Igbo Problem’ is peculiar, it is, to a large extent, a reflection of Nigeria’s poor treatment of its citizens. Nigeria’s progress therefore hinges on its readiness to address the injustices against its people including the blatant failure of the government to provide the right conditions (good road, good and affordable education, good and accessible healthcare, and electricity among other social goods).